Opinions and Editorials

Will Kejriwal wreck Modi’s dream? – By Praful Bidwai (Jan 6, 2014, Rediff)

The Bharatiya Janata Party has reason to be greatly pleased with the results of the recent assembly election in four northern and central states. It swept 163 of Rajasthan’s 200 seats, taking an unprecedented 12-plus percentage-point lead over the Congress. In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP won a convincing two-thirds majority. In Chhattisgarh, where it was expected to lose, it won albeit by a whisker. And in Delhi, it kept the Congress out of power. Its seat tally in the four states has risen from 50 percent to 69 percent of the total. This could translate into 50 of these states’s 72 Lok Sabha seats for the BJP, up from 30.

Yet, the impact of the BJP’s success has been blunted to some extent by the Aam Aadmi Party’s spectacular performance in Delhi. Strange as it seems, AAP Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, not the BJP’s Narendra Modi, is leading the battle for the national popular imagination. Kejriwal’s ‘new politics’ has inspired large numbers of people. Has Kejriwal eclipsed Modi? Has Modi, with his aggressive high-profile campaign, peaked too soon? Has his macho style put off potential supporters? Has his belated, strained expression of ‘misery, pain, anguish, agony’ at the 2002 violence won him Muslim sympathy? It is difficult to give a definite answer to all these questions just yet. But two things are clear. Modi’s feigned ‘hurt’ at the anti-Muslim pogrom convinces nobody.

Second, the AAP’s entry has introduced a new variable and enlarged the shadow of uncertainty over the BJP’s ‘target’ of reaching the 272-seat halfway-mark on its own by fielding Modi. Modi or no Modi, the BJP lacks the support-base to reach this. But can the National Democratic Alliance do so? The NDA has shrunk from 23 parties to just three: The BJP (116 Lok Sabha seats), the Shiv Sena (11) and the Shiromani Akali Dal (4). It must more than double its present seat-tally to reach the half-way mark. This means raising its percentage-share of the national vote from 21.2 to over 30.

This is a far bigger task than the highest jump in seats and votes ever achieved by the BJP, when it rose from 161 seats and 20.3 percent (1996) to 182 seats and 25.6 percent (1998) and collected enough allies to form an opportunist coalition, which expediently put all trademark Hindutva issues in abeyance. The NDA has lost – probably irrevocably – major allies like the Janata Dal-United, the Trinamool Congress and the Biju Janata Dal, besides ethnic-Tamil parties and Telugu Desam, Party which quit earlier. For the NDA to come to power in 2014, the BJP must win about 200 (if not 210 to 220) Lok Sabha seats to create a nucleus around which smaller parties can coalesce and form a winning alliance.…

In an optimistic scenario, the BJP’s three-state gamble may pay off. More realistically, it may not. The BJP has the advantage of having emerged as an urban winner in a few states. For instance, in Gujarat, it bagged 58 percent of city votes, to the Congress’s 28 percent. But Gujarat is 40-percent urbanised. The BJP can’t replicate its performance in Bihar and UP, with their 11 and 22 percent urbanisation rates. Besides, a new, quintessentially urban, challenge has arisen – in the shape of the AAP. Despite its flawed start and many problems including near-silence on communalism, the AAP could eat into the BJP’s votes in many cities, wrecking Modi’s dream.

http://www.rediff.com/news/column/column-praful-bidwai-will-kejriwal-wreck-modis-dream/20140106.htm

SEE ALSO:

• A mission next to impossible – By T. Ramakrishnan (Jan 2, 2014, The Hindu)
  http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-mission-next-to-impossible/article5526967.ece
• Let’s Defeat Communal Agenda : Take A Resolution For New Year – By Ravi Nitesh (Dec 31, 2013, Countercurrents)
  http://www.countercurrents.org/nitesh311213.htm

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Muslims, Modi and brutal rapes of Muzzaffarnagar – By Lakshmi Chaudhry (Dec 23, 2013, First Post)

“If there are Congress leaders who are visiting the riot affected areas I will welcome any suggestions from them on resolving the situation there. You will see that Samajwadi Party is willing to take constructive suggestions from all quarters and work towards implementing them,” declared Akhilesh Yadav, doing his best not to sound defensive in the wake of Rahul Gandhi’s unexpected visit to the post-riot relief camps in Uttar Pradesh. While media pundits are entranced by the “politics” of this scion v scion spat, no one seems to have noted the grim absurdity of a Chief Minister soliciting “suggestions” to address an ongoing human tragedy in his state. Well, one small step in the right direction would be to stop lying. As India Today notes, “SP government… has repeatedly made claims of adequate help to the riot victims. To the extent that even after a snub from Supreme Court on relief work, the government has insisted that it has provided suitable relief, compensation and rehabilitation to all the riot victims.” It’s not clear how the Yadav government defines “suitable” relief but it apparently does not include the blankets and clothes required to prevent babies from freezing to death.

Our politicians like to pretend basic governance is rocket science. After 60-odd years of independence, leaders don’t know how to impose law and order, limit casualties, or even arrange immediate relief and rehabilitation – except when it suits them. Hey, we can rescue tourists from the upper reaches of the Himalayas, evacuate lakhs and lakhs of people before a cyclone, but god forbid, the police reaches in time to rescue citizens being raped and butchered at the local pradhan’s mansion. This is exactly what happened in Lakh Bawdi where 80 people were lured to the residence of the local headman who promised to keep them safe. They were greeted instead by a mob who proceeded to butcher and rape the hapless men, women and children. Calls to the local police on their mobiles proved futile.

As Abid tells Outlook, “They arrived, but only at 12.30 pm, four hours after everything was over. Around 80 people from my village had been killed by then.” One of the other survivors offers this brief glimpse of what ensued during those four hours [The must read account is available here]: “Within half an hour, a group of men from the village entered the compound and attacked us. They hacked my husband right before me.” Was she attacked? Shabana is quiet. I try again. This time, her voice a whisper, she says, “They stripped several of us. Took our honour.” They first beat them with batons, then stripped them and brutally sodomised them. The men were stripped and simply chopped into pieces. Shabana and several others were thrown out, naked, an hour later. The women were repeatedly penetrated with batons, their breasts assaulted with sharp trowels, and faces mutilated by vicious bites. The stories are no less gruesome than the December 16 Delhi gang rape, but there is no similar outrage or demands for justice. The religious affiliation of the victims – in this case, Muslim – makes this a “communal” issue.

A word that overshadows their identities as citizens and human beings. No one talks about a failure of governance, but instead the discussion focuses entirely on base politics. While Congress spars with SP, and Rahul tries to show up Akhilesh, the BJP and Narendra Modi maintain a studied silence. This could be a tremendous opportunity for Modi to tout the virtues of good governance, of a state that protects and rehabilitates its citizens, delivers justice irrespective caste or creed. If Modi wants to put Godhra behind him, and articulate a new secularism that moves away from vote bank politics, this is his chance. Why not take as active an interest in relief operations in Muzaffarnagar as he did in Uttarakhand – all are citizens of the Indian state, and equally deserving of his attention, after all. What we get instead is Modi wooing all the usual Muslim interest groups: madrassas, clerics, and wakf boards. It’s just more identity politics of the Congress kind. And this is perhaps India’s greatest failure of a democracy. For all the talk about Indian vs Western secularism, we have been unable to formulate any version of secularism that incorporates genuine citizenship and its attendant rights. What we get instead is either a pandering of “communal harmony” that endorses a Shah Bano-type of travesty – i.e. relegating Muslim women to second-class citizens – or the RSS kind which touts a Hindu rashtra where some citizens are more equal than others, and therefore more deserving of the state’s attention, resources and protection.

“Voting is only one part of the modern idea of citizenship. Citizenship also means that individuals have a bundle of rights , especially with respect to health, education and public order. Such rights are entitlements, not an expression of government kindness. Regardless of class, ethnicity or religion, a democratic polity must deliver these services,” writes Ashutosh Varshney in the Indian Express. One of these services must necessarily be law and order. The social contract – which is the basis of modern democratic nations – requires citizens surrender their freedoms in exchange for the protection of a neutral and impartial state. What happened in Billu Pradhan’s mansion in Lakh Bawdi was a complete breakdown of that contract – and therefore represents a total failure of Indian democracy. That we are too busy with partisan and communal name-calling to notice represents our failure as citizens.

http://www.firstpost.com/politics/citizens-first-muslims-modi-and-brutal-rapes-of-muzzaffarnagar-1302191.html

SEE ALSO:

• From displacement to disappearance – By Farah Naqvi (Jan 2, 2014, The Hindu)
  http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/from-displacement-to-disappearance/article5526997.ece
• How the SP has shockingly failed its Muzaffarnagar refugees – By Soumik Mukherjee (Dec 20, 2013, First Post)
  http://www.firstpost.com/india/how-the-sp-has-shockingly-failed-its-muzaffarnagar-refugees-1298211.html
• Tragedy Continues For Riot Affected Persons In Muzaffarnagar – By Fact Finding Report (Dec 31, 2013, Countercurrents)
  http://www.countercurrents.org/ffr311213.htm
• Fact Finding Report: Independent Inquiry into Muzaffarnagar “Riots” – By Mohan Rao, Ish Mishra, Pragya Singh, Vikas Bajpai (Jan 11, 2014, EPW)
  http://www.epw.in/web-exclusives/fact-finding-report-independent-inquiry-muzaffarnagar-%E2%80%9Criots%E2%80%9D.html

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The Hindutva heartland – By Sudha Pai (Jan 7, 2014, Indian Express)

Much has been written on the communal riots in Uttar Pradesh’s Muzaffarnagar district — the violence against the minority community, the rapes, how the riots spread to rural areas and now, the poor conditions in government relief camps. But two issues require urgent attention. Why are those living in the harrowing relief camps not willing to go back to their homes? And why has the UP government decided, despite the cold wave sweeping across north India, to dismantle the camps and, in some cases, forcibly evict those living there? These questions are significant because, after the collapse of the Congress in the state, the ruling Samajwadi Party has been trusted and supported by the minority community.

UP has had a history of communal riots, starting after Independence and continuing into recent decades: Aligarh in 1978 and 2006, Moradabad in 1980, Meerut in 1987, Agra in 1990, among others. However, the communal violence over the Babri Masjid dispute and the recent riots in Muzaffarnagar have distinctive features. They stem from religious mobilisation by political parties, most notably the BJP. Parties have played two kinds of roles in relation to religious and caste identities. Immediately after Independence, they reflected the existing social diversities without disturbing social harmony. But since the late 1980s, party mobilisations have run along social cleavages, deepening the existing divides, causing distrust, conflict and violence.

The earlier pattern of moderate, centrist politics and democratic, secular modes of mobilisation was replaced by the exploitation of religious identity. However, after the destruction of Babri Masjid, the dispute lost political importance, leading to the organisational and electoral decline of the BJP by the late 1990s. By the early 2000s, scholars pointed to the emergence of a post-Babri, “autonomous” Muslim politics in UP. With the weakening of identity politics, the community was no longer afraid of the BJP and under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the party was moving towards an agenda of development and reform. Two small political parties, the Peace Party and the Rashtriya Ulema Council, emerged as Muslims felt they should form their own parties and not remain vote-banks for others. With the erosion of the two national parties, the Congress and the BJP, electoral politics in the UP of the 2000s became a bipolar contest between the SP and the Bahujan Samaj Party.

With the approach of the 2014 national elections, UP is set to become a communal battleground once again. Recent developments point to attempts by parties to revive the politics of polarisation for electoral gains. From 2012, when the SP assumed power, low-intensity communal polarisation became visible. In the first 10 months of its rule, there were 104 communal incidents, even though the Hindutva campaign of the early 1990s was missing. The BJP appointed Amit Shah as in-charge of the UP campaign and attempts to revive the Hindutva agenda began. This was followed in August 2013 by the stage-managed confrontation between the BJP and the SP over the Chaurasi Kosi Yatra, organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which was to pass through 600 villages across six districts, all with a sizeable Muslim population. The SP did not allow it to be held and arrested many activists. The BJP hoped to win Hindu votes in 2014 by reviving its religious mobilisation while the SP felt banning the yatra would enhance its image and earn it the support of the minority community. …

the answers to the questions raised lie in the heightened contestation among parties over Muslim votes in UP on the eve of the 2014 elections. It explains the deep communal chasm deliberately created between Hindus (particularly Jats) and Muslims in Muzaffarnagar. It also explains the partisan manner in which state leaders have handled the riots. The gainer from this polarisation will be the BJP, as it consolidates Jat votes in western UP. The SP will lose the most since its game plan of bringing Muslims into its protective fold has not worked. Instead, Muslims will move away and seek alternative parties. Some Muslim groups maintain that the SP is working with the BJP for electoral gains. With the Congress viewed as weak, the BSP, which has decided to give a large number of tickets to Muslim candidates, stands to benefit most from this. The 2014 election campaign is witnessing demands for clean politics and greater accountability. Unfortunately, UP, “the heartland”, still represents an unchanging India, where an older pattern of communal politics is rearing its head again.

http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/1216209/

SEE ALSO:

• No respect for human life – By Teesta Setalvad (Jan 6, 2014, Asian Age)
  http://www.asianage.com/columnists/no-respect-human-life-496
• Nothing inevitable about these events – By Subhashini Ali (Jan 6, 2014, The Hindu)
  http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/nothing-inevitable-about-these-events/article5542126.ece
• The many mistakes of Muzaffarnagar – By Surbhi Khyati (Jan 6, 2014, Indian Express)
  http://www.indianexpress.com/story-print/1215829/
• Emergence of AAP and changing political spectrum of India – By Shariq Anwar (Jan 4, 2014, Twocircles.net)
  http://twocircles.net/2014jan04/emergence_aap_and_changing_political_spectrum_india.html

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Modi vs Rahul in 2014, but Kejriwal a rising star – By Prashant Sood (Jan 5, 2014, Twocircles.net)

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s announcement that he will not seek a third term could effectively result in a Narendra Modi versus Rahul Gandhi contest in this year’s Lok Sabha elections, analysts said and noted that Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) would also make its presence felt in the polls through its rising star, Arvind Kejriwal. The prime minister’s remarks at his press conference Friday that he will give “the baton” to a new PM after 2014 elections has set the stage for Congress leaders expressing their desire to see the party vice president Rahul Gandhi in the chair after Manmohan Singh. The prime minister had also stated that Gandhi had “outstanding credentials” to be the prime ministerial candidate.

Though suggestions have been made in the past by Congress members about projecting Gandhi, 43, as the prime ministerial candidate, the party has not taken a firm decision on the issue. All that it has stated is that the prime ministerial candidate will be declared at an “opportune time”. Party sources said that those pushing for declaration of a prime ministerial candidate feel it will present voters with a clear choice. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has officially declared Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate and suggestions have started coming from within the AAP for projecting Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal as the prime ministerial candidate, though Kejriwal has declared he is not going to contest the Lok Sabha polls. The Congress had projected Manmohan Singh as prime ministerial candidate in 2009 and the decision is reckoned as a factor that contributed to party’s improved performance over its tally in 2004 Lok elections.

Congress sources said that those pressing for declaring Rahul Gandhi as prime ministerial candidate feel that the step will galvanise the party workers and inject momentum in the party’s poll campaign. There is also a feeling that projection of Gandhi, who publicly slammed a proposed ordinance on convicted lawmakers, will help the party distance itself from perceived failures of Manmohan Singh government on issues of price rise and corruption. A session of the All India Congress Committee is being held here Jan 17 and there is growing speculation that Gandhi could be declared prime ministerial candidate at the meet. On his part, Rahul Gandhi has been taking a more active stance on issues after the party’s drubbing in the assembly polls last month. He sought to take political credit for government’s push for the passage of Lokpal bill and clearly articulated his economic vision at an event organised by a business chamber. He also held a meeting of party chief ministers to deliberate on the issue of price rise.

Party sources said there was also a view in the party that projecting Gandhi as PM candidate at this stage may not be the best strategy due to the nature of challenge before the Congress. This section feels that Congress prospect do not appear to be very bright and a sharp downslide in performance could affect Gandhi’s long-term political prospects. B.R.P. Bhaskar, Thiruvananthapuram-based political commentator and media veteran, said that prime minister’s announcement had set the stage for transition at leadership level in the Congress. “As a party Congress is held together only with dynasty at top. Whether they make a formal announcement (about Gandhi’s candidature) or not, there is no question that PM comes from the ‘family’ unless the member voluntarily steps down,” Bhaskar told IANS.

He added that the Congress did not have a tradition of announcing a candidate. “If a situation emerges where Congress is in a position to form government, Rahul Gandhi will certainly be the prime minister.” Bhaskar said the elections would not see a presidential election-like contest between Gandhi and Modi because India was a parliamentary democracy. He said there were many political parties in fray and with Aam Aadmi Party’s emergence “situation has changed”. Bhaskar said AAP will have an impact, particularly in urban areas. “The urban population has grown to considerable size and (AAP) can make a difference… There was a study which said that there were 160 constituencies where internet can play a significant role,” Bhaskar said. He said if AAP wins around 30 seats in Lok Sabha polls, “it will be a force that can’t be ignored”. …

http://twocircles.net/2014jan05/modi_vs_rahul_2014_kejriwal_rising_star.html

SEE ALSO:

• The AAM Army – By Avalok Langer and Deevakar Anand (Dec 28, 2013, Tehelka)
  http://www.tehelka.com/the-aam-army/
• AAP Has Come: aap ne bulaya kis liye – By Willy (Jan 2, 2014, Countercurrents)
  http://www.countercurrents.org/willy020114.htm
• A multi-class urban party – By Srinivasan Ramani (Jan 3, 2014, The Hindu)
  http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/a-multiclass-urban-party/article5530823.ece
• AAP represents emerging trends in Indian democracy – By Sudip Mazumdar (Jan 2, 2014, DNA India)
  http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-aap-represents-emerging-trends-in-indian-democracy-1944138

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Big Brother is watching you – By Chinmayi Arun (Jan 3, 2014, The Hindu)

The Gujarat telephone tapping controversy is just one of many kinds of abuse that surveillance systems enable. If a relatively primitive surveillance system can be misused so flagrantly despite safeguards that the government claims are adequate, imagine what is to come with the Central Monitoring System (CMS) and Netra in place.

News reports indicate Netra – a “NEtwork TRaffic Analysis system” – will intercept and examine communication over the Internet for keywords like “attack,” “bomb,” “blast” or “kill.” While phone tapping and the CMS monitor specific targets, Netra is vast and indiscriminate. It appears to be the Indian government’s first attempt at mass surveillance rather than surveillance of predetermined targets. It will scan tweets, status updates, emails, chat transcripts and even voice traffic over the Internet (including from platforms like Skype and Google Talk) in addition to scanning blogs and more public parts of the Internet. Whistle-blower Edward Snowden said of mass-surveillance dragnets that “they were never about terrorism: they’re about economic spying, social control, and diplomatic manipulation. They’re about power.”

So far, our jurisprudence has dealt with only targeted surveillance; and even that in a woefully inadequate manner. This article discusses the slow evolution of the right to privacy in India, highlighting the context and manner in which it is protected. It then discusses international jurisprudence to demonstrate how the right to privacy might be protected more effectively. A proposal to include the right to privacy in the Constitution was rejected by the Constituent Assembly with very little debate. Separately, a proposal to give citizens an explicit fundamental right against unreasonable governmental search and seizure was also put before the Constituent Assembly. This proposal was supported by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. If accepted, it would have included within our Constitution the principles from which the United States derives its protection against state surveillance. However, the proposed amendment was rejected by the Constituent Assembly.

Fortunately, the Supreme Court has gradually been reading the right to privacy into the fundamental rights explicitly listed in the Constitution. After its initial reluctance to affirm the right to privacy in the 1954 case of M.P. Sharma vs. Satish Chandra, the court came around to the view that other rights and liberties guaranteed in the Constitution would be seriously affected if the right to privacy was not protected. In Kharak Singh vs. The State of U.P., the court recognised “the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects” and declared that their right against unreasonable searches and seizures was not to be violated. The right to privacy here was conceived around the home, and unauthorised intrusions into homes were seen as interference with the right to personal liberty.

If the Kharak Singh judgment was progressive in its recognition of the right to privacy, it was conservative about the circumstances in which the right applies. The majority of judges held that shadowing a person could not be seen to interfere with that person’s liberty. Dissenting with the majority, Justice Subba Rao maintained that broad surveillance powers put innocent citizens at risk, and that the right to privacy is an integral part of personal liberty. He recognised that when a person is shadowed, her movements will be constricted, and will certainly not be free movements. His dissenting judgment showed remarkable foresight and his reasoning is consistent with what is now a universally acknowledged principle that there is a “chilling effect” on expression and action when people think that they are being watched. …

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/big-brother-is-watching-you/article5530857.ece

SEE ALSO:

• Need for Legislation Against Human Surveillance Growing – By Syed Ali Mujtaba (Jan 3, 2014, Countercurrents)
  http://www.countercurrents.org/mujtaba030114.htm

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Above the law? – By Sagnik Dutta (Dec 27, 2013, Frontline)

MORE than a decade after the historic Vishaka judgment laid down a framework for addressing sexual harassment at the workplace, the Supreme Court of India on November 26 finally constituted a panel to look at the issues of harassment in its own precincts. The recent allegation of sexual harassment against a former Supreme Court judge by a law intern has stirred up a hornet’s nest. The case has thrown the spotlight on the hierarchical, and often exploitative, relationship between judges, senior advocates and young women lawyers, which leads to harassment of women both within and outside the precincts of the Supreme Court. On November 29, the Supreme Court-appointed panel that was probing the alleged sexual harassment of a law intern by a retired judge submitted its report to the Chief Justice of India. The report has named former Supreme Court judge A.K. Ganguly as the accused in the case.

The formation of the panel is only a small step to create a gender-sensitive environment for women lawyers, interns and clerks who are often forced to acquiesce to daily harassment in a world of male domination. Women lawyers practising in the Supreme Court sense a deep-seated culture of sexism that manifests itself in the everyday conduct of judges, fellow lawyers and senior advocates. The present regulations governing sexual harassment at the Supreme Court, notified in September 2013, remain grossly inadequate.

The public outcry over the recent sexual harassment allegations seems to be the immediate cause for the formation of the panel. Earlier, in December 2012, the Supreme Court in Medha Kotwal Lele and Ors vs Union of India had expressed its anguish over the non-implementation of the guidelines laid down in the Vishaka judgment. The court noted: “There is still no proper mechanism in place to address the complaints of sexual harassment of the women lawyers in Bar Associations.” Further, in Binu Tamta and Anr vs High Court of Delhi, the Supreme Court observed that women attending courts as administrative staff, lawyers, and clients or in any other capacity must be protected from sexual harassment. It was only in September 2013 that the Supreme Court finally notified The Gender Sensitisation and Sexual Harassment of Women at the Supreme Court of India (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Regulations, 2013. However, these regulations fall far short of the norms defining sexual harassment set by the Vishaka judgment.

Speaking to Frontline, senior advocate and director of the Lawyers’ Collective, Anand Grover, explained: “Sexual harassment by judges of superior courts is not covered under the present rules notified by the Supreme Court. Also, the definition of precincts of the Supreme Court in the rules notified by the Supreme Court needs to be expanded so as to cover places outside the court premises where interns might have to visit for work. These rules do not come under the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition, Redressal) Act, 2013, being passed by Parliament. There are also problems with the Act so far as its application to judges is concerned. Section 13 of the Act provides for punishment for sexual harassment as misconduct in accordance with the service rules applicable to the respondent. These are not applicable to judges. Also, judges are not subject to the discipline of the Chief Justice of India. The only law that is applicable generally is the Vishaka judgment. Therefore, the Act and/or the regulations need to be amended to cover the judges of superior courts.”…

The present case of the law intern has brought to the fore the larger problem of gender insensitivity and the lack of regulations to punish the guilty in the highest quarters of the judiciary. The formation of the committee, though a step in the right direction, is only a small one to prevent exploitation by people in positions of power. However, there have to be concrete measures to promote a just, gender-sensitive working environment for women lawyers, interns and law clerks and prevent obstacles to women entering the legal fraternity.

http://www.frontline.in/social-issues/above-the-law/article5443811.ece

SEE ALSO:

• In The Mood For Reason – By Dola Mitra (Dec 30, 2013, Outlook)
  http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?288927
• Felt need – By Ammu Joseph (Dec 27, 2013, Frontline)
  http://www.frontline.in/social-issues/felt-need/article5443758.ece

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